Consentia on Multidisciplinary Research

The Telangana Dispute and Discord


Telangana has been one of the most deliberate topics of discussion in India since the creation of Andhra Pradesh and even before that. From time to time people of Telangana region have demanded a separate state from Andhra for their elevation. The central theme is to discuss in detail different aspect of reasons of bifurcation also the counter arguments against bifurcation. Various aspects of discussion are historical background of the region, impact of British policies and regions they pay heed to develop, economical analysis of regions of telangana and rest of Andhra, distribution of different resources among the state, agricultural issues, issues related to culture and language, security related issues, the most important about the metropolitan city Hyderabad and about constitutional aspect of the state. Apart from these other issues through which deals with the intervention of government and a policy which they frame from time to time for upliftment of the people and also different politicians and group’s active involvement for the bifurcation. Also what are the reasons for which government is delaying the bifurcation despite of strong aggression from people’s side? The committee was formed under Justice BN Srikrishna to examine the matter which states 

“examine the situation in the State of Andhra Pradesh with reference to the demand for a separate State of Telangana as well as the demand for maintaining the present status of a United Andhra Pradesh … seek a range of solutions that would resolve the present difficult situation and promote the welfare of all sections of the people, to identify the optimal solutions for this purpose and to recommend a plan of action and a road map … and to

make any other suggestions or recommendations that the Committee may deem appropriate”.[1]

 Apart from this also State reorganization committee also gave recommodation

“…to reject the theory of ‘one language one state’ which is neither justified on grounds of linguistic homogeneity, because there can be more than one state speaking the same language without offending the linguistic principle, nor practicable, since different language groups, including the vast Hindi speaking population of the Indian Union, cannot always be consolidated to form distinct linguistic units”.[2]

Hence different remarks are given from time to time by different committees in Telangana matter.
























Chapter – 1 – Historical background and merger of two states


A brief history the name Telanganais believed to have been derived from the word Trilinga Desa, the ancient name for Andhra Pradesh, so called because it is believed that it was flanked by three ancient Shiva Temples at Srisailam, Kaleswaram and Draksharama. A more historical explanation is that during the reign of the Nizams, the region was called Telugu Angana (where Telugu was spoken) to differentiate it from the Marathi speaking areas of their kingdom.[3] Historical background can be traced from early Mahajanapadas period; the region was one of the Mahajanapadas, the region was ruled by series of dynasties like  Vakataka, Vishnu Kundina, Chalukya, Rashtrakuta and the Western Chalukyas, the region experienced a golden age during the Kakatiya Empire.[4] For time the region was under delhi sultanate and subsequently fall under the Nizam’s, after signing alliance with British in 1799, the Telangana region fall under the princely state of Hyderabad and Rayalseema under the Presidency town of Madras.

Under Nizams, Telangana Weaver created world history by weaving a saree, a six-meter drape worn by women, that fits into a matchbox. Hyderabad was the fifth largest city in India before 1947, with excellent administrative buildings, roads, railway network, airports, police, army and otherprincely states; with an area of 86,000 square miles (223,000 km).[5]

These local Doras ran a brutal and oppressive reign, mercilessly extracting taxes from the hapless peasantry, and keeping the Nizam happy with their tribute. The Nizam had little or no control over the Doras, who were the masters of all they surveyed. It was under such oppressive circumstances that the Telangana Rebellion began, when peasants from the backward castes and the rural poor rose against the Doras and were supported by communist leaders. The communist-led agitation started in 1946 and succeeded in liberating many villages.

Thus, the Telangana revolt, which was basically started to secure a better deal for the peasants, soon became a full-fledged struggle against the Nizam himself.[6]

Hyderabad state was liberated from Nizam on September 17, 1948, using military force, in what was known as Operation Polo, led by Sri Sardar Vallabhai

Patel and made part of Indian Union and was a separate State during 1948-56.[7]

Andhra state was constituted as a result of the efforts of Telugu speaking people of Madras state who wished to have a separate linguistic state for promoting their own distinct culture. The state was formed on October 1, 1953, after the Act of Parliament (the Andhra State Act of 1953) received the President’s assent on September 14, 1953. It was the first state constituted on linguistic basis after India’s independence.[8]

In an effort to protect the interests of the Telugu people of Madras state, Potti Sriramulu attempted to force the Madras state government to listen to public demands for the separation of Telugu speaking districts (Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra) from Madras state to form the Andhra state. On the midnight of 15 December (i.e. early 16 December 1952), Potti Sreeramulu died before achieving his objective. The popular agitation continued for three to four days disrupting normal life in Madras and Andhra regions. On the basis of an agitation, on October 1, 1953, 11 districts in the Telugu-speaking portion of Madras State voted to become the new state of Andhra State with Kurnool as the capital. Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu became first Chief Minister of thus formed Telugu (Andhra) State.

Sooner after its inception, resource hungry state began Clamouring for its merger of Telangana for formation of Vishalandra.There was no relation between Andhra and Telangana before Andhra Pradesh, except the language they speak i.e. Telugu.


Reasons for demand of merger with Telangana

  • There was no proper capital city for newly formed Andhra State, Madras state refused to share the Madras as a capital with Andhra State.
  • Do not have COAL and Oil Resources; there were no provisions to generate Electricity.
  • There is no net revenue to continue or manage the state operations, that time Andhra state revenue was 22 crores (per capita), in which 20 crores they were spending to run the government itself, means what about others – irrigation, agriculture, roads, electricity, loans to formers etc.
  • Even after spending crores to build the capital city in Karnool, even it was not in shape in run the government operations, no secretariat building, no hi-court, etc. Creation of state capital was “The biggest” problem of the Andhra state. [9]

Fazal Ali commission was appointed by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru which submitted its report in 1955 on states reorganization which included the question whether Telangana should be merged with Andhra or not?

The commission was in favour of separate state of Telangana owing to following reasons

  • The existing Andhra State is facing a financial problem as it got low per capita revenue compared to Telangana and on the other hand, Telangana is much less likely to be faced with financial embarrassment. Telangana has got much higher incidence of land revenue and excise revenue.
  • One of the principal causes of opposition of Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas.
  • One important reason is, of course, that the existing Hyderabad State and Telangana as part of Hyderabad have benefited considerably from the implementation from April 1952, of the Finance Commissions’ recommendations. The increase in central payments from out of the divisible pools of income-tax and Central excise which has been possible under the present arrangements and the reduction in police expenditure for which credit can be taken., as the situation in Telangana improves, more or less offset the loss on account of the abolition of internal customs duties.
  • “The Telangana” it has further been argued, can be stable and viable, unit considered by itself. The revenue receipts of this area on current account have been estimated at about Rs. 17 crores, and although the financing of the Krishna and Godavari projects will impose a recurring burden on the new State by way of interest charges, the probable deficit, if any is unlikely to be large.[10]

The merger of Telangana with Andhra was, however, not unconditional. It was facilitated by a number of solemn promises made and constitutional safeguards given to the people of the region as a protective umbrella against the possible exploitation in the enlarged state. These promises were made not once. They were made umpteen times (and were also broken umpteen times). Nor the merger of Telangana with Andhra was considered eternal.[11]

Following the Gentlemen’s agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956. The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions. Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telengana movement; many within the Congress Party extended their hands to leftists. But within a few years, Andhra Pradesh was rocked by political turmoil. Between 1969 and 1972, the state witnessed two separate movements-‘Jai Telangana’ and ‘Jai Andhra’. The Telangana leaders accused Andhra leaders of flouting the gentlemen’s agreement.

Andhra leaders retaliated by saying the ‘Mulkis’ policy was discrimination against them. In 1919’ the Nizam had issued a decree stating that only ‘Mulkis’, that is people born in the state or those who had lived there for atleast 15 years, were eligible for public appointment in the state. Domiciled ‘Mulkis’ were also required to have an affidavit that they would never return to their native places. After the merger, the people of Hyderabad wanted this rule to be observed, while the people of coastal Andhra and other parts of the state were against it.

The movement which started with the demands of safeguarding the interests of the people of the erstwhile Hyderabad state soon started demanding a separate state. On January 10, 1973, president’s rule was imposed, but soon the matter was resolved for the time being.[12]

The six point formula was incorporated by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1975 in the form of special provision for Andhra Pradesh which states two important points one was the abolition of the Mulki Rules on December 31, 1973, through the Mulki Rules Repeal Act, 1973, which received President’s assent on December 31, 1973, and the other was the abolition of the Telangana Regional Committee from January 1, 1974, under a Presidential Order issued on December 10, 1973.[13]


Chapter 2 – Cultural background and its impact on demand


Andhra Pradesh, comprising the three regions of coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telangana, displays vast regional variations in socio-economic and cultural terms. Differences in historical backgrounds – Telangana were part of the princely Hyderabad State and coastal Andhra of the British Presidency – partly account for this. Even in terms of social movements and civil society articulation, these regions continue to display contrasting trajectories. The region of Telangana was part of theNizam’s composite Hyderabad State, which comprised of eight Telugu-speaking Telangana districts, three Kannada- and five Marathi-speaking districts. In Telangana, given the historical specificity of the Nizam’s dominion, the nature of socio-economic change and political trajectory took a different turn. A class of landed gentry, consisting of Muslimjagirdars and Hindu deshmukhs belonging to the Reddy, Velama and Brahmin castes, constituted the support base of the Nizam’s rule.[14]

Andhra Pradesh state has very nearly the same distribution of SC and ST populations as the rest of the country. In the state, together these groups account for 22.8% of the population. The Backward Caste groups – same as OBCs elsewhere in the country – constitute almost half of the population of the state at a little more than 45%. The upper castes constitute

about 22% of the population although their importance and influence remains disproportionate to their share of population. With a significant population of religious minorities (Muslims and others) at about 11%, social groups as political constituencies are thus fairly well defined and organized. While SCs are more or less evenly distributed among the three regions, the proportion of STs is higher in Telangana. OBCs again are greatest in number in Telangana followed by Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra. High castes take the lead in coastal Andhra followed by Rayalaseema with the lowest presence in Telangana. Muslims have the highest concentration in the city of Hyderabad, followed by Rayalaseema and Telangana excluding Hyderabad.[15]

From the above data it could be inferred that in Telangana region has low caste status, including a chunk of population falling under backward caste which clearly shows the social character of the region. Different minority groups like Tribal groups, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Jains, and Buddhist in Telangana region have supported the demand of separate state, as keen to receive reservation benefits.

 The regional distribution of tribal communities in Andhra Pradesh is as follows: 6.6% for the state, 9% in Telangana (including Hyderabad), 3% in Rayalaseema and 6% in coastal Andhra. Thus Telangana has a higher proportion of tribal communities and both Adivasi and other tribal groups have expressed strong opinions on the demand for Telangana. The All India Banjara Seva Sangh, a key body representing some of the nomadic tribes, has demanded a separate Telangana state. Their point of view is that the Lambadas (Sugalis) and Yerukalas in coastal Andhra have long been enjoying reservation benefits as STs, while those fromTelangana suffered as they were not recognized as STs until 1976.

Taking views of Muslims, For various reasons, the main political party of Hyderabadi Muslims, the AIMIM, prefers a united Andhra. Muslims would feel more secure in the

larger state and being largely a business/small trader/artisan community with urban concentration.

One of the most controversial points with regard to the culture of two regions is language, coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema claiming that the Telugu language underpins the fundamental unity of the three regions and for this reason the state needs to be preserved as it is. Telangana people, on the other hand, haveargued that their dialect, if not language, differs substantially from that of Andhra region, connoting a separate cultural identity.[16]

The history of the state is reflected in its linguistic diversity. The Nizam period in Telangana contributed 8% of Urdu speaking population and about 1% of Marathi speaking population. British rule of coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema contributed to 1% of Tamil speaking population. There are small minorities speaking Marathi and Tamil and Gondi, a tribal language which is spoken in the Adivasi tribal areas of Telangana and words from which haveentered the spoken language. To give an idea of the diversity of some Telangana

districts, Adilabad has a population speaking several languages – Telugu, Urdu,

Marathi, Hindi and Kannada.

The language spoken in coastal Andhra is considered as “Standard Language” while Telangana language is condemned as an “Ordinary Dialect”. The Telangana language is also ignored in the academic syllabus. Text books published by the government are written in coastal Andhra language. This puts an extra burden on children from Telangana as they have to learn an alien Telugu. The Telangana dialect is ridiculed in government offices,universities and colleges. There is no feeling of unity among the people of the different regions on the basis of language.”[17]









Chapter – 3 – Economical distribution and its impact


This chapter would be dealing with economic condition of the region including agriculture position also the irrigation and water availability in the region.

AP is the fourth largest state economy of India with its per capita income about the average for India but growing at a rate of over 10% since 2003-4 (Government of India, Ministry of Statistics and Program Implementation). Yet, only 26 % of its GDP accrues from agriculture while 62% of all workers are either farmers or manual agricultural labourers. Per hectare agricultural output works out to be 25 thousand rupees which is above the average for India.[18]

The four coastal districts, known as the Northern Circars, developed rapidly under British administration and benefited particularly from the large-scale irrigation works which harnessed the Krishna and Godavari rivers for agriculture. The Circars became the most prosperous part of the Telugu country and the rice-bowl of Andhra enjoying the benefits of a stable and enlightened administration and developing not only economically but socially and politically at a far faster rate than the Nizam’s Dominions.

On the other hand, for two hundred years Telangana was separate from the rest of the Telugu country, maintained in a rather backward feudal condition by the Nizams of the Asaf Jahi dynasty.The jagirdar system of landholding seems to have stood in the way of agricultural development: “Though endowed with fairly good rainfall averaging 35.2 inches annually, the poor soil and the rugged country seem to present a handicap to intensive agricultural de- velopment. Besides, the agrarian conditions under the Jagirdar system in the olden days did not seem to have provided adequate incentives to the ryot to attempt any intensive cultivation. In the early years of the present century the Nizam’s government constructed a major irrigation scheme based on the Nizamsagar dam, thereby making Nizamabad the most pros- perous district in Telangana. But local peasants seemed lacking in initiative, and many of the profits were reaped by immigrant farmers from the Circars.The equity concerns in the context of Telangana’s backwardness put forward the case for providing a large degree of state help in the form of public investment. This investment if made in the form of building up irrigation networks promises returns too as Telangana have the potential for agricultural development. Subrahmanyam (2002) has shown that the output elasticity with respect to irrigation has remained high in Telangana in comparison to rest of Andhra Pradesh. Unfortunately, neither of these aspects attracted state attention and consequently, there has remained a paucity of funds required for the expansion of adequate irrigation networks[19]

Thus Telangana backwardness has essentially political roots: with better administration the considerable water resources could have been more fully tapped for irrigation.[20]Total loss of water share of Telangana merging with Andhra is 1125 TMC. 1 TMC serves 10000 acres, i.e. total cultivation land Telangana lost is 11, 25,000 acres.[21]

Agrarian distress can be seen with the figures, Between May 2004 and November 2005, Telangana reported 663 suicides while Rayalaseema reported 231 and coastal Andhra stood at 174 out of a total of 1068 reported suicides. The causes of farmer suicides have to do with drought, higher investments in agriculture, failure of new crops such as BT cotton leading to indebtedness with social repercussions. Difficulties in wresting a livelihood from agriculture, especially in the dry areas of Telangana and Rayalaseema, have contributed to a general sense of dissatisfaction which, in Telangana, is a contributory, if not a direct factor in the present movement.[22]

Telangana’s relative position remained backward though there has been a positive change since the state formation. For instance, though the percentage of net sown area under irrigation increased from 16 percent to 36 percent between 1995-58 to 1996-99 in Telangana it remained below that of coastal Andhra (58 per cent). The value of output per hectare when estimated for 1996-99 trienniums turns out to be Rs 26,163, Rs 15,171 and Rs 19,466 for coastal Andhra, Telangana and the state average respectively. And the per capita (rural person) value of output is Rs 4,600, Rs 3,338 and Rs 4,225 in coastal Andhra, Telangana and the state average respectively [Subrahmanyam20 02]. In fact, the edited volume by Krishana Rao and Subrahmanyam(2002)is more illustrative on regional disparities in Andhra Pradesh with respect to growth and levels.

The agricultural credit (disbursed by commercial banks) per agricultural population(c cultivators and labourers)after excluding Hyderabad for the year 2000 has been Rs 1,899 in Telangana in comparison to Rs 2,856 in coastal Andhra. In the absence of adequate credit facilities, the farmers easily fall into usurious non-institutional debt trap which in the presence of continuously rising input costs has led to farmers’ suicides in Telangana. This phenomenon when seen as a whole may be considered a major factor behind the mesmerisation of peasantry especially small and marginal, in the region.[23]

Para 378 of Fazal Ali commission report states:

“ One of the principal causes of opposition of Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas. In the Telangana districts outside the city of Hyderabad, education is woefully backward. The result is that a lower qualification than in Andhra is accepted for public services. The real fear of the people of Telangana is that if they join Andhra they will be unequally placed in relation to the people of Andhra and in this partnership the major partner will derive all the advantages immediately, while Telangana, itself may be converted into a colony by the enterprising coastal Andhra” .[24]

The disparity in the region can also be seen with the figures. Coastal Andhra region record a per capita income of Rs. 36496 followed by Telangana (including Hyderabad) with a per capita income of Rs. 36082 (Rs.33771 excluding Hyderabad) and Rs.33056 in Rayalaseema at 2007-08 current prices. Rayalaseema draws its income from agriculture to the tune of 25% followed by 24% in coastal Andhra and least in Telangana at 22%. The overall work participation rate is high at 47.5% in Rayalaseema followed by 46% each in coastal Andhra and Telangana. As expected, the level of urbanization is rather low in all regions – Telangana (22%) and 25 % in coastal Andhra and 23% Rayalaseema. Therefore, Hyderabad district which is fully urbanized has grown at the cost of all the three regions and is now central to the economies of the three regions in Andhra Pradesh.

Overall, the state of AP, so far, has attracted only Rs.12, 421 crores in FDI. Of which, Rs.6490 crores of investment has taken place in Telangana (including Hyderabad), but with very high concentration in Hyderabad city/district. Given high concentration of infrastructure and other services in Hyderabad this is not surprising. Telangana region excluding Hyderabad has received only Rs.1658 crores compared with Rs.5499 crores investments in coastal Andhra. Rayalaseema has received just Rs.732 cores of FDI investments so far[25]

Hence major investment in Telangana region is due to Hyderabad excluding it would result low investment in the region as compared to coastal Andhra.

Now moving towards employment in the region, There are about 15 lakh jobs in the government and government-funded offices and establishments. Based on the size of population at least 40% of these job, i.e. 6 lakhs, should have gone to the job seekers from Telangana. But the total number of jobs now occupied by them is less than 3 lakhs.[26]

There are more than 5,000 employees in the state’s secretariat, out of them not even 10% belong to the Telangana region.

In 2001, Chandrababu Naidu, the then Chief Minister, constituted J M Girglani Committee, to look into the Jobs occupied by non-locals in Hyderabad. The committee observed that Hyderabad is not a free Zone, but part of Zone VI of Telangana, where locals are entitled to a 70 per cent of quota.[27]

IT industry is one of the most promising industries in Hyderabad like few other cities in India. About 90% Andhra migrants and about 10% of local Telangana people are benefited by this boom. It attracted more Andhrites to migrate to Hyderabad. Look at the company statistics. Every 9 IT employees out of 10 are from Andhra. Almost all of the IT, Bio-tech and other businesses are owned by Andhra people.

Nizam Sugar factory in Bodhan, Nizamabad, established by Nizam of Hyderabad was biggest sugar factory in Asia at one point in time. Thousands of acres of land dedicated and owned by the factory with a total of four branches in Telangana districts. AP Government sold 51% of ownership of these factories for Rs. 65, 40, 00,000 (Rs. 65.5 cores) to an Andhra company, Delta Paper mills. The value of the lands owned by NSF value itself is tens of times more than the 52% stake sold to Delta Paper Mills. Many other Telangana industries were

either taken over or shutdown after the merger.[28]





Chapter – 4 – Infrastructure, and social position of the region.


This chapter would deal about allocation of resources i.e. water, thermal plants, hydro plants and infrastructure development including education facilities.

Andhra Pradesh is a riverine state with forty major, medium and minor rivers. Godavari, Krishna and Pennar are three major inter-state rivers which flow through the heart of the state. Besides these, there are five interstate rivers north of Godavari which flow through Orissa and Andhra Pradesh and four rivers south of Pennar that flow through Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. One of the major grievances of the people of Telangana is regarding allocation and utilization of river waters. Various issues have been raised in the memoranda/representations and during oral submissions to the Committee, alleging discrimination against Telangana in the distribution of river waters, inadequate mechanisms to address inter regional disputes over river water sharing and water use and part diversion of river Godavari to coastal Andhra and river Krishna to Rayalaseema to the detriment of the Telangana region. It has also been alleged that injustice has been done to Telangana in the

Implementation of various projects.[29]

Most of Telangana agriculture depends on small tanks bore wells and ponds (built by Nizam). Andhrites canal based farming increased four folds whereas Telangana canal based agriculture decreased in half after the merger. Telangana farmers pay huge sums to acquire electric motors, dig bore wells which cost huge money. Whereas Andhra farmers get water to their farm via canal irrigation system and their cost of farming is way lower. Bore well based Farming increased in Telangana after the merger as desperate Telangana farmer had to depend on his own resources as opposed to Andhrites State sponsored and funded canal irrigation.

Apart from this several Hydro projects are also there in which injustice was claim by the people of Telangana, Polavaram, dam is being built at Polavaram in West Godavari district right across the border from Khammam district in Telangana. As per official calculation about 300+ villages in Telangana (Khammam) and only two of Andhra villages will be submerged. The dam technically will be in Polavaram, Andhra, but the backwaters submerge about 450 villages in Telangana as per private estimates.

Nizam sagar was Nizam’s gift to Telangana people, especially the people of Nizamabad districts. This project used to irrigate more than 3,00,000 acres of ayacut before and shortly after the merger. Now it hardly serves 50,000 acres.Because of reduced storage capacity and lack of maintenanceThere was a hydro power project in Nizam Sagar which does not exist now. Construction of Singur project proved death knell for Nizam Sagar project as river Manjira water was diverted to feed Hyderabad where Andhra population sprawled in the last 54 years. [30]

Now briefing about the power distribution in the state, The Andhra Pradesh State Electricity Board (APSEB) was formed at the end of 1956. During 1955-56, at the time of its formation, there was no thermal generation installed capacity. However, hydel generation was 44.0 MW.

Similarly, the number of villages electrified at that time was 398 (coastal Andhra), 147 (Rayalaseema) and 11 (Telangana), respectively, in the three regions. The present generation installed capacity as on 30th June, 2010 in coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telangana is 5242.46 MW, 1840.14 MW and 4368 MW respectively. AP has also achieved 100% village electrification.

The state is richly endowed with abundant resources required for generation of power – coal, water, gas, wind, solar energy, etc. Coal reserves needed for thermal power generation are available in Telangana region. Water resources required for hydro power generation are available in Telangana region. The gas required for power generation is also available in the KG basin. Wind and solar energy required for power generation is available along the 1000 km stretch of coastal Andhra. Telangana region is having coal fields at Singareni. In coastal Andhra, natural gas is produced from Krishna-Godavari basin. Therefore, a number of gas power stations have been installed and more are coming up. However, in Rayalaseema there is neither coal nor gas. The coordinated and balanced development of power sector in the three regions of Andhra Pradesh is possible only because of transfer of natural gas and oil from KG basin, coal from Singareni and Talchar mines and hydro power from Sreesailam and Nagarjuna projects. The present total installed generating capacity in Telangana region is less as compared to coastal Andhra. But this is not a matter of concern because the Telangana region is being supplied electricity to its full requirement through the AP transmission grid, but would be concern as of now after bifurcation. The hydel generation capacity is the highest (68%) in Telangana, among the three regions. This is because of the fact that the two major rivers of Andhra Pradesh are entering the Telangana region and are at a higher elevation than those of Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra.[31]

Now moving towards education and health in the region, the overall literacy rate in Andhra Pradesh in 2001 is 60%, the literacy rate in Telangana is only 58% well below that of coastal Andhra (63%) and somewhat lower than Rayalaseema (60%). Literacy rates in Telangana excluding Hyderabad1 are the lowest (55%), the reason for this difference could be traced out in history, At the time of independence and subsequently when the state was formed coastal Andhra was educationally ahead of Telangana since it had benefitted from the spread of education by Christian missionaries during colonial rule. Also, British rule resulted in wider use of English in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema as compared to Telangana where Urdu was the official language under the Nizams. Hence, while the Andhra region got an undeniable advantage, the Telangana region had to overcome multiple handicaps – poor spread of schooling and higher education as well as medium of instruction being solely Urdu at the time of its merger with the Indian union. Besides historical factors, there are other socio-economic reasons why overall literacy tends to be lower in certain parts of the state. It is a known fact that literacy levels are lower among the rural, poor and socially deprived sections (SC, ST, BC, Muslim minorities and Women). [32]Although attempts have been made to improve the educational level by the way of reservations under six point formula but the impact cannot be seen much.

Hence it could be concluded that educationally Telangana remained backward due to socio-political reasons.














Chapter – 5 – The capital city, Hyderabad


The development of Hyderabad as state capital since 1956 has reinforced its cosmopolitan culture. It has seen establishment of many national institutions, migration from other parts of the state and other states of India, and more recently, the development of an externally-oriented information technology (IT) industry. As such, it is distinctly different from other districts of Telangana, and indeed from coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, but this is not uncommon, for large megacities are often unlike their regions since their economies are diverse and attract people from beyond their region.

The distinct character of Hyderabad economy is more evident from the structure of the district GDP. A disaggregated analysis of contributions of different sectors in the four regions reveals that Hyderabad‟s structure differs radically from the other regions. Modern services form 39% of the economic activity in Hyderabad, with transport accounting for another 19%. Hyderabad and Rangareddy form a large share of modern economic activity in the Telangana region. It comprises 44% of registered manufacturing and 39% of construction of the region and this ratio has been stable since 1999- 2000. The share of transport is very high at 62% but it has declined by 5% since 1999-2000. Most critically, these two districts comprise 54% of modern services GDP in Telangana and this share has risen by 12% (from 42%) since 1999-2000. This high proportion of modern services, especially financial services is one characteristic of a world city economy.

Another aspect of this regional concentration of activity can be seen from the location of the Special Economic Zones (SEZs). Rangareddy has the maximum number of SEZs. of the 72 notified (103 approved) SEZs, 40 notified zones (57 approved) are located around Hyderabad, with Rangareddy accounting for 35 zones (49 approved). The rest of Telangana has only three notified zones (10 approved). In comparison, all of coastal Andhra has only 22 notified zones (28 approved), of which 10 are in Visakhapatnam district. Rayalaseema has all of 7 notified zones (8 approved).

However, this would not have been possible without some natural advantages of Hyderabad. First, it has over the years, been a centre for higher education. Second, because of its cosmopolitan nature, it has been able to attract trained and talented personnel from within the state as well as outside the state. The diversity of its population and the use of Hindi as a language for interaction are to its advantage. Third, the agglomeration feeds on itself and the very concentration of quality human resources and active labour market in IT and ITES personnel now attract both firms and employers to the city.[33]

However there are disputes regarding that who are reaping the benefits of this city, facilities available in the capital city are now more accessible to the people migrating from Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions and more inaccessible to the people of Telangana. In this process non-locals have become locals and the locals have become nonlocals.

The development taking place in and around the capital city cannot be an indicator of development of Telangana region as mostly the settlers and migrants from the other regions of the state reap its fruits. Construction of flyovers, widening of roads, development of Hi-Tech cities etc., will not address the serious problems confronting the people in the other nine districts of Telangana.[34]

However there has been another argument Successive governments in the state have developed the capital city of Hyderabad, at the expense of rest of the state. While the Telangana districts surrounding Hyderabad have benefited immensely from the rapid growth of the city, the rest of the Telangana districts, coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema have suffered

  1. [35]

The decision by the government of keeping the city i.e. Hyderabad as common capital for the next 10 years is again a question as the region falls under Telangana and the people are claiming it.

Chapter – 6 – Constitutional aspect and conclusion.


This chapter would be dealing with the constitutional aspect and conclusion of bifurcation.

“Political will and Parliament Bill are enough for formation of Telangana State as per the Constitutional procedures and requirements. Neither the consent of Andhra Pradesh Assembly, nor the Amendment to the Constitution is required for carving out a new territory from the boundaries of present Andhra Pradesh state.”[36]The Constitution in Article 3 vests the power to form new States and alteration of areas, boundaries, or names of existing States in Parliament alone which may pass the law on the subject. In the case of Telangana, the Union Cabinet has to take a political decision and advice President to recommend to the Parliament to pass such a legislation carving out Telangana from existing boundaries of Andhra Pradesh. While political initiative is expected to happen from the people prevailing over the ruling party at the Center, the Constitutional process should begin from the Union Cabinet. Our Constitution says that if process of carving out a state affects the boundaries of existing state, (in case of Telangana, it will definitely affect the boundaries of Andhra Pradesh as ten districts have to be removed), the President is bound to refer the Bill to be introduced in Parliament, to the Andhra Pradesh Assembly. While such reference is mandatory, the President need not decide as per the opinion expressed by such state legislative Assembly. This means, even if there is an opposition to the ‘referred bill’ or such reference is not responded within prescribed time, or when such a bill is approved, the President can go ahead with formation of a new state.[37]

Now summing up the arguments, the advantages of new state would be:

  • Separate funds from centre government – as claim by separatists of Telangana that funds allotted were not used for Telangana development, now would be independent to use.
  • Formation of own government – as seen out of 22 chief ministers, only 5 belongs to Telangana, now their own government and chief ministers would be governing the state.
  • Utilization of resources – people of Telangana have alleged that Andhra people exploit their resources, now they would be master of their own resources and utilization.

Besides these advantages, the new state posses certain disadvantages also:

  • Lack of Infrastructure – as seen in the paper above, Telangana region is not well equipped with health and education facilities, hence would be a challenge for the state, further major power grids are established in coastal Andhra region and they get their share of power from their.
  • Agriculture – Climate is not favourable to Telangana for agriculture, hence they would be facing difficulties regarding agriculture.
  • Administrative problems – new states face administrative problems and are prone to corruption, further naxalism and Maoism is another major problem with the state.

Looking at all the arguments, advantages and disadvantages, it cannot be said that its bifurcation win or lose of people of Telangana.

But at the same time it gives a sense of democracy i.e. for the people, looking at the demand of people of Telangana and interest of people there, Telangana now have to overcome with the above stated problems to prove the bifurcation as the right decision.










  • Sadasyula Ratanakar, A brief history of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh, DNA
  • Telanganam
  • Justice Srikrishna, Srikrishna committee report 2010
  • Rapelly N. Satya , History of separation
  • K Jayashankar, Telangana Movement: Demand for separate state
  • Akhtar Nishat, Telangana, Batch 6 NDTVmi
  • K. Srinivasulu, department of political science, Osmania university, Hyderabad
  • M Venkatanarayana, Varinderjain, Telangana’s agriculture growth experience
  • Forrester B. Duncan, subregionalism in India- the case of Telangana, Pacific affairs.
  • Vemula Santosh, Facts about Telangana – basis and justification.
  • Vishalandhra Mahasabha, Refuting an agitation.
  • Justice Fazal Ali, commission report.
  • Chatla Vijayakrishna, Telangana Empowerment Forum, Why Telangana
  • Acharyalulu Madhabhushi Sridhar, “Concurrence Of Legislature: Not A Constitutional Requirement For Telangana Formation
  • Sharma Swati, Telangana- Constitutional Issues In New State Formation.

[1]Justice Srikrishna, Prologue Srikrishna committee pg 5.

[2] State reorganization committee para 163

[3]Sadasyala Ratanakar, A brief history of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh,DNA,5th March 2014.

[4] Sadasyala supra note 1, at pg 1

[5]Telanganam,< >. Last seen at 4/4/2014.

[6] Sadasyula, supra note 1,at pg2

[7] Telanganam, supra note 3, at pg2

[8] Justice Srikrishna, Srikrishna committee report 2010 < >. Last seen at 8/4/2014.

[9] Rapelly N Satya, History of separation < > last seen at 8/4/2014.

[10]Ibid note 7 pg4

[11] K Jayashankar, Telangana Movement: Demand for separate state < >. Last seen at 8/4/2014.

[12] Akhtar Nishat, Telangana, Batch 6 NDTVmi < >. Last seen at 8/4/2014.

[13] Justice Srikrishna, supra note 6

[14] K. Srinivasulu, department of political science, Osmania university, Hyderabad < > last seen at 8/4/2014.

[15] Justice Srikrishna supra note 6

[16] Justice Srikrishna supra note 6

[17] Justice Srikrishna, supra note 6

[18] Justice Srikrishna, supra note – 6

[19] M Venkatanarayana, Varinderjain, Telangana’s agriculture growth experience < >. Last seen at 8/4/2014.

[20]Forrester B.Duncan, subregionalism in India- the case of Telangana, Pacific affairs.

[21] Vemula Santosh,Facts about Telangana – basis and justification < >. Last seen at 8/4/2014.

[22] Justice Srikrishna supra note – 6

[23] M Venkatanarayana, Varinderjain, supra note – 16

[24] Justice Fazal Ali, commission report.

[25] Justice Srikrishna supra note 6.

[26] K Jayashankara, supra note 9

[27] Telanganam, supra note 3

[28] Chatla Vijayakrishna,Telangana Empowerment Forum, Why Telangana < >. Last seen at 8/4/2014.

[29] Justice Srikrishna, supra note 6

[30] Chatla Vijayakrishna, supra note 27

[31] Justice Srikrishna, supra note 6

[32] Justice Srikrishna, supra note 6

[33] Justice Srikrishna, supra note – 6

[34] K Jayashankar, supra note – 9

[35] Vishalandra Mahasabha, Refuting an Agitation <,d.dGc > last seen at 4/4/14.

[36]AcharyaluluMadhabhushi Sridhar, “Concurrence Of Legislature: Not A Constitutional Requirement For Telangana Formation”, Published on 12-12-2009, <> / Last seen at 8/8/2010.

[37] Sharma Swati, Telangana- Constitutional Issues In New State Formation.


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